Peace Agreements In Africa

Posted: April 11, 2021 by Podwits Administrator in Uncategorized

This book, with its introduction by Dr Grace Maina, head of the knowledge production department of ACCORD at the time of writing, its eight chapters of academics and practitioners and its conclusion of Professor Erik Melander, from the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, can be highly recommended. It is very well organized and presented (with very few small typographical errors). It sends a clear message that proof of peace lies in the exercise of that peace. The focus is on the gap between a ceasefire and a ceasefire. And this pushes us to look for ways, such as parties, indirectly or directly, to show a willingness to reach a co-existing peace agreement and to implement it satisfactorily. While optimistic about the future, Dr. Ero draws attention to unrepresentative border configurations as a major obstacle to the peace process. Not only do borders create tensions between local communities on the periphery and the elites of the centre, but they are reinforced by the protest of groups within the country. Border configurations also play a more important role in African state sovereignty issues, as recently discovered natural resources in border regions have become a priority for economic growth and conflict, supporting two conflicting narratives: “Resuscitating Africa” and “Africa Still at War.” As various chapters of this volume show, a successful peace agreement depends on the political will of the parties to implement its terms. On the last page of the conclusion, these are “reflections.” He begins by emphasizing that “there are no simple answers to the question of how to end wars and build a strong and lasting peace” (p. 294).

It is therefore recommended that practitioners make the best use of case studies when considering what approaches might apply to each case. And researchers are challenged to consider puzzles and contradictions as a starting point for further research. Many of the sources listed in the introduction and chapters may be useful, but beyond consulting existing literature, it will obviously require revolutionary creative thinking. A second major criticism is that the agreement excludes civil society, other unarmed actors and new armed groups. Government mediators decided to involve only the 14 groups that signed the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Agreement in the 2015 National Dialogue for Peace and Reconciliation, known as the Bangui Forum. The decision to exclude civil society from the Khartoum dialogue – although consulted before the talks – was based on the idea that participation in this process could lead to different positions of the Bangui Forum, which is still in force and is used to inform policy makers. As a result, the prospects of ordinary citizens were under-represented during the negotiations. In the run-up to the dialogue, Russia has worked with Sudan to launch a separate peace process. In the end, the two processes were merged to prevent them from eroding each other. The porous borders with Chad and Sudan have allowed armed group leaders to easily extract weapons from neighbouring countries and export illegally mined minerals. Strengthening border controls and the concerted efforts of Chad and Sudan to stem the flow of weapons and fighters into cars are essential for a lasting peace.

In recent years, armed group leaders in the caravan have intensified local conflicts due to seasonal migration of cattle, particularly along the Chad-Car border. Regional or bilateral efforts to reduce these conflicts are currently under discussion and could mitigate the dysfunctions that fuel selected armed groups. In Sudan, the prominent role of Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, commonly known as “Hemmeti,” has raised fears that Sudan`s rapid support forces under Hemmetis`s influence will further destabilize the central government.

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